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While recidivism has long been a concern of criminal justice practitioners and policymakers, it has received renewed attention in recent years due to the record number of convicted offenders living in our communities.2 Research has demonstrated that repeat offenders account for a disproportionate amount of crime and that offenders released from prison are arrested at rates 30 to 45 times higher than the general population (Rosenfeld, Wallman, & Formango, 2005). As a result, there is widespread recognition that recidivism has a direct impact on public safety and that recidivism reduction should be a key goal of the criminal justice system. This is particularly true with regard to crimes that are sexual in nature, given their impact on individual victims and the larger community (see Chapter 1, "Incidence and Prevalence of Sexual Offending," in the Adult section).
The measurement problems found in sex offender recidivism research no doubt have contributed to a lack of consensus among researchers regarding the proper interpretation of some research findings and the validity of certain conclusions. While there is broad agreement that observed recidivism rates are not true reoffense rates, the magnitude of the gap between observed and actual reoffending, the propensity of sex offenders to reoffend over the life course and whether it is valid to characterize sex offender recidivism rates as low or high are examples of key issues that are subject to divergent viewpoints.3 While debate concerning the interpretation and policy implications of research findings occurs in many public safety areas, it is both pronounced and ongoing in the context of sex offender recidivism.
Due to the frequency with which sex crimes are not reported to police, the disparity between the number of sex offenses reported and those solved by arrest and the disproportionate attrition of certain sex offenses and sex offenders within the criminal justice system, researchers widely agree that observed recidivism rates are underestimates of the true reoffense rates of sex offenders. Hidden offending presents significant challenges for professionals working in sex offender management as it is difficult to know whether offenders who appear to be nonrecidivists based on official records are truly offense free. (For more on "Sex Offender Management Strategies," see Chapter 8 in the Adult section.) In addition, perceptions of the public safety risk associated with sex crimes and certain sexual offenders may be distorted when they are based solely on crime and on offender profiles identified in official records.
The long-term propensity for convicted rapists to sexually reoffend also has been examined by Doren (1998). His analysis, which aimed at estimating the true base rate for sexual recidivism among rapists, led him to conclude that the 39-percent long-term sexual recidivism rate for rapists found by Prentky and colleagues (1997) was consistent with findings from other research. Doren (1998, p. 107) further suggested that "rapist sexual recidivism should be considered to have a conservative approximation of its true base rate at about 39 percent."
Finally, far more policy-relevant research is needed on the absolute and relative risks that different types of sex offenders pose. The extant literature on sex offender recidivism has thus far been unable to decisively resolve the readily apparent controversy that exists in the field about the proper interpretation of recidivism data and its meaning for public policy. On one hand, some researchers interpret the observed recidivism rates of sex offenders as low, and hence argue for revisions to the current sex offender policy framework. Other researchers are more reticent to interpret recidivism data in the same way, pointing out that the true reoffense rates of sex offenders remain largely unknown due to underreporting and other factors. There is little question that policies and practices aimed at the reduction of sex offender recidivism would be far more effective and cost-beneficial if they better aligned with the empirical evidence, but bridging the gap is plagued by measurement problems and conflicting interpretations of the existing scientific evidence. Individual and community safety would no doubt be served by a redoubling of efforts to break down victim reporting barriers, improve research and build more meaningful collaborations between researchers, policymakers, practitioners and the public.
3 Some researchers interpret the observed recidivism rates of sex offenders as relatively low or conclude that most sex offenders do not recidivate. Others are more reticent to interpret recidivism data in the same way, arguing that the true reoffense rates of sex offenders are high or unknown or that observed recidivism rates can be misleading because the propensity of sex offenders to reoffend is poorly reflected in officially recorded recidivism, particularly when short follow-up periods are involved.
Social learning theories do not offer the only explanation for sexual offending behavior. However, they do provide valuable insights for understanding sexual offending and there is evidence to support various tenets of social learning theory in the context of sexual offending. For example, there is sound empirical evidence that sexual offending is a learned behavior. Also, while it is true that a direct connection between the use of pornography and rape does not exist, research has made it clear that the use of pornography is a factor in shaping the attitudes and behaviors in some men who use it and that it is a factor in some men's sexual aggression. Scholars may differ about the specific nature of pornography's effects, but none have argued about pornography's articulation of the myths about rape and the contributions of these thinking errors to sexual offending behaviors.
The most often cited criticism of social learning theory is that there is little evidence that suggests internalized beliefs or attitudes actually result in related behaviors. More research on children who are victimized but do not go on to abuse others may be helpful. Further, much of the research on social learning theory, as in many other theoretical approaches, depends on self-reports of abusers. Because offenders may be motivated to distort stories to place themselves in a more positive light, relying on self-reporting can be problematic. These concerns call into question the validity of social learning theory as the sole explanation of sexually abusive behavior (Stinson, Sales & Becker, 2008).
The data supporting the basic tenets came from other areas of psychology and there is little direct support from the sex offender research. It has also yet to be subjected to explicit evaluation. Additionally, there is no empirical justification for grouping offenders into separate categories. In fact, there is research to suggest that individuals in all five pathways share many of the same traits and they are not characteristic of only one pathway (Simon, 1997a, 1997b, 2002).
Abuse of older people can have serious physical and mental health, financial, and social consequences, including, for instance, physical injuries, premature mortality, depression, cognitive decline, financial devastation and placement in nursing homes. For older\r\n people, the consequences of abuse can be especially serious and recovery may take longer (4).
In some countries, the health sector has taken a leading role in raising public concern about abuse of older people, while in others the social welfare sector has taken the lead. Globally, too little is known about elder abuse and how to prevent it, particularly\r\n in developing countries.
Abuse of older people can have serious physical and mental health, financial, and social consequences, including, for instance, physical injuries, premature mortality, depression, cognitive decline, financial devastation and placement in nursing homes. For olderpeople, the consequences of abuse can be especially serious and recovery may take longer (4).
In some countries, the health sector has taken a leading role in raising public concern about abuse of older people, while in others the social welfare sector has taken the lead. Globally, too little is known about elder abuse and how to prevent it, particularlyin developing countries.
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By contrast, moderates continue to make up the largest share of independents who do not lean to a party. Nearly half of independents who do not lean to a party describe their views as moderate, while 24% are conservatives and 18% are liberals. These numbers have changed little since 2000.
The question of false allegations by children is a complex one for which we have only partial answers. Although research to date suggests that false allegations are rarely made intentionally and are more often made by adolescents and adults than by children, it is important to always consider that sexual abuse allegations may be untrue. It is also important to bear in mind that children who have been sexually abused are not always prepared to disclose the abuse.
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